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Southern Rights and Co-operation Documents, 



— i. i L 

PROCEEDINGS ^ TSvi ' 



OF THE 



GREAT SOUTHEEN CO-OPERATIOI 



AND 



ANTI-SECESSION MEETING, 



HELD IX 



CHARLESTON, SEPTEMBER 23, 1851. 



CHARLESTON, S. C: 

STEAM POWER-PRESS OF WALKER AND JAMES. 
1851. 






13 



PROCEECIIGS. 



The citizens of Charleston District, in favor of Southern 
Co-operation, and opposed to the separate secession of the 
State, assembled in great numbers at the Hibernian Hall, on 
Tuesday evening, the 23d instant. JNever has there been 
exhibited a more enthusiastic and overwhelming demonstra- 
tion. The spacious Hall was most densely crowded, and 
every avenue leading to it was filled with those who were 
excited with the high purpose which led to the assemblage, 
and who w^ere animated with a zealous determination to 
carry triumphantly the cause in v/hich they were engaged. 

At a proper time, J. J. Pope, Jr., Esq., moved that the 
meeting should be organized by the appointment of the fol- 
lowing gentlemen as officers : 

For President. 
Hon. James Kose. 



Vice- 

Hon. Mitchell King, 
Hon. J. B. Grimball, 
Hon. John Schnierle, 
Hon. T. L. Hutchinson, 
Hon. John Wilson, 
Hon. Thos. J. Mellard, 
Hon. John Rivers, 
Hon. Sanford Barker, 
Dr. Benjamin Huger, 
W. C. Dukes, 
Charles Heyward, 
Dr. Henry R. Frost, 
Charles T. Lowndes, 
J. S. Bowie, 
Arthur G. Rose, 
Dr. Sam'l. H. Dickson, 
James Adger, 
Wm. Bull Pringle, 



Presidents. 

Dr. E. Horry Deas, 
Samuel DuBose, 
A. J. Harvey, 
Joseph Prevost, 
D. E. Huger, Jr., 
Major J. B. Rhame, 
Joseph A. Winthrop, 
Dunbar Paul, 
Frederick A. Porcher, 
Dr. J. W. Schmidt, 
James Robb, 
Samuel Gourdin, 
A. Delia Torre, 
M. P. Matheson, 
G. N. Reynolds, Jr., 
Dr. L. A. Frampton, 
James M. Caldwell, 
John Hamlin, 



/3<^VJ 



Dr. E'ias Horlbeck, 
Thad leus Street, 
Charles Alston, Sen., 
H nrv Gourdin, 
VV. J. Bennett, 
W. C. Gatewood, 
John Vinyard, 
\V. M. Lawton, 
Janif^s Poyas, 
Col. James S. Shingler, 
Col. John B. Earnest, 
E.lvvard Sebring:, 
Henry A. Midcileton, 
Alexander Gordon, 
Henry I). Lesesne, 
James R. Prin;L>;le, 
John H. Honour, 
James Lamb, 
James Robertson, 
George Buist, 
Dr. J. P. Jervey, 
Archibald Cameron, 



Thomas Ryan, 
Benjamin Freeman, 
William Kirk wood, 
Dr. Thos. Y. Simons, 
H. p. Shipman, 
Dr. James Moultrie, 
\V. H. Gilliland, 
Hug-h R. Banks, 
M. C. Mordecai, 
Lewis Rebb, 
William Bird, 
Col. John Phillips, 
James Chapman, 
Col. A^ P. Hayne, 
J. H. Steinmeyer, 
Col. A. H. Belin, 
Dr. W. T. Wragg, 
Dr. T. L. Ogier,i|j 
W. G. Mood, . 
George W. Black, 
Robert Munro, 
A. H. Chisolm. 



Secretaries. 



C. Kanapaux, 
W. Y. P.,xton, 
John B. Gibbes, 



A. L. Tavean, 

C. W. Montgomery, 

C. Douglass, Jr. 



Mr. Rose, on taking the Chair, briefly expressed his appre- 
ciation of the honor which had been paid him ; and after 
adverting to the great importance of the movement in which 
they were engaged, announced the meeting as prepared for 
the transaction of business. 

B. C. Pressly, Esq., proposed that the Delegates from St. 
James, Goose Creek, and other parishes, in attendance, be 
conducted to their seats on the platform. The following 
gentlemen appeared, and were warmly welcomed — Rev. 
West Williams, Capt. S. C. Warnock, B. B. Godfrey, Sr., 
J. J. Browning, Rev. A. G. Sims, John McCuller, and Dr. 
John F. Poppenheim. 

Henry W. Peronneau, Esq., Chairman of the Committee 
of Vigilance and Conference, then arose, and stated, that the 
Committee, of which he was the Chairman, in pursuance of 



the duties with which that Committee was charged, after 
great dehberation, and consultation with the people of the 
Parishes of this District, had agreed on an address and nomi- 
nation, that he hoped would meet with the enthusiastic re- 
sponse of the meeting. Mr. Pero.meau stated, that the 
address and nomination w^ould now be presented by Thomas 
Y. Simons, Jr., Esq. 

Mr. Simons then appeared, and read to the meeting the 
following Address, with the accompanying nomination. Its 
reception was marked by the highest enthusiasm, and repeat- 
ed cheers testified the high satisfaction it afforded : 

THE COMMITTEE OF VJGILANCE AND CONFERENCE TO THE 
VOTERS OF THE DISTRICT OF CHARLESTON. 

Felhiv-Cifizens : — We address you at a period of deep in- 
terest, and under circumstances of profound importance. An 
election approaches which must, to a certain extent, control 
the action of our State. In that action are now involved the 
issues of property, life, and liberty, to us and our posterity. 

We have opposed ourselves to those who now advocate 
the separate secession of South-Carolina, as a remedy for 
the unjust legislation of the Federal Congress in relation to 
the institution of slavery. In our success we expect to find 
the political salvation of o(u- State, and the perfect guaranty 
for all the rights incident to her sovereignty and independ- 
ence. 

We have deliberately interposed ourselves to the further 
prosecution of the separate secession of the State, because it 
brings to us no promise of good, but much of evil. In it we 
can o:dy discover the beginning of that, the end of which 
must be our ruin, if not our utter dishonor. 

If Secession is };roper as a remedy for existing evils, it 
must be because it operates as a redress for the injuries they 
produce. We see in it no remedy for the wrongs which are 
complained of; and more than this, it is a surrender of all 
those rights that are yet untouched, because of some that 
are now invaded. It is urged, and with perfect justice, that 
the legislation of the Federal Government has been, in regard 



to the slaveholding States, opposed to tlie letter and spirit of 
the Federal Compact, in attemptin*^ a prohil)ition ofprivileg-es 
to which they are entitled. The remedy of Secession, by 
withdrawing the State from the Union withont a combina- 
tion with her sister States, alike agijricved, confirms that 
prohibition, by a voluntary abandonment of the only arena 
upon which a battle should be fought ; and is a concession to 
our opponents of evcr}^ advantage their ingenuity could have 
devised, or their rapacity desired. And thus it developes 
the political paradox ot redressing a wrong by a course of 
conduct, which if wholly successful, establishes the exclusion 
that is complained of, and to repel which our patriotism is 
invoked. If the legislation of the Federal Congress, so justly 
complained of, affected South-Carolina alone ; and in her 
separate capacity as an independent sovereignty ; we should 
hold it unnecessary for the State to do more than to prepare 
herself for the conflict in which she should seek the redress 
to which she was entitled. 

But the true grievance does not relate to our State in iier 
separate capacity. The course of Federal legislation has 
developed its hostility to an institution which exists not onl}'^ 
in South-Carolina, but in many other States of this Union. 

In these States so connected with us, by ties of the closest 
communion— in many parts i)eopled with the children of our 
own State, cherishing towards us, in many cases, feelings of 
kinship — and in all, of close social communion, gifted with 
high intelligence, lofty purpose, and unsurpassed daring, we 
cannot be brought to believe that their virtue has been de- 
stroyed, their sentiment corrupted, their chivalry disgraced. 

In these States, if the secession of South-Carolina has any 
supporters, they will be found few; and however generous 
in their nature, and honest in their purpose, they are not yet 
in the enjoyment of that matured experience which should 
ever be present when a people change their system of gov- 
ernment. 

With no appeal then made to our State because of a direct 
or exclusive encroachment upon the rights she has reserved 
to herself, but with an unwarrantable aggression on an insti- 



6 

tution, not peculiar to her, but to the whole slaveholding sec- 
tion, with no encouragement from her sister States, but in 
opposition to their wishes and convictions— South-Carolina 
is to be placed in a position, which in the future, as in the 
present and past, will find no parallel. 

To organize a government is an experiment which is sel- 
dom successfully attempted. In all cases in which it has 
been tried, much dependence has been placed on those 
whose sympathies would lend to such attempts encourage- 
ment and support. But with us, this great change in our 
political system is to be attempted, not only without the 
concurrence, but in opposition, and, perhaps, in hostili!}', that 
to the opinions of those with whom Providence seems to 
have decreed our lot should be united, never to be dissev- 
ered, except for a common ruin. 

We stand then, upon the verge of a revolution ! ^^'ithout 
perceiving it, we have been brought to that point from which 
we can view the consequences soon to come upon us with 
overwhelming force, unless The People will rise in their 
might, and arrest, even at the last moment, the irrevocable 
and fatal step. 

What motive should impel us to commit the people of the 
State, to the uncertain and always terrible fortunes of a Re- 
volution ? 

Does the honor of our State demand it 1 Not so. South- 
Caroiina has never said, that she would dissolve her rela- 
tions with her sister slaveholding States of the South. She 
has given but one pledge, again and again repeated, that she 
will be prepared to unite with them in all measures that they 
shall advise, as necessary for tb.e maintenance of their privi- 
leges and rights. This pledge she stands prrp ^rd to re- 
deem. And if any have undertaken to piedge her honor, in 
any other course, they had no warrant for the act ; for her 
honor was not in their keeping. Does it promise her secu- 
rity ? We see in it only the temptation to the strong and 
powerful to make our gallant State, now loaded with the 
trophies of valor and intellect, a victim for their caprice, and 
a subject for their pleasure. Isolated, unprepared, and un- 



defended ; witli the gallantry of her sons taxed to an extent 
superhuman; what could it all avail amid the contending 
and colossal powers of the world ' The daring of our con- 
duct might indeed excite the surprise of the moment ; l)ut a 
short time would tear from us even our own approbation of 
the act we had committed, and too late would we learn that 
among nations, rights are en)03'ed by those only who are 
able and prepared to defend them. 

Does it offer us advantages that we can reasonably expect 
to obtain ? What are they ? 

Our separation would require an alteration of the present 
government of our State. Is it certain that to the adjustment 
of that question, all those considerations would be brought, 
necessary for its harmonious conclusion 1 Our system of 
government, in a new condition, would be determined by the 
necessities of the people, and the ability of the State. Are 
there an}^ bold enough to declare, that they can foresee the 
one, or calculate the other? The success of our government 
would depend on its relations with the leading powers of the 
world, especially those of Europe and America. Have we 
any statesman so much in advance of all others in political 
foresight, as to be able to determine these matters even to 
his own satisfaction? We apprehend not. The dark un- 
fathomable future is before us, with no light to guide us, but 
that borrowed from the condition of nations, too weak to 
invite, or too impotent to repel aggressions. 

If now we turn to those in whose judgment we confide, 
whose devotion to constitutional liberty, as guaranteed by 
the Federal compact, is without spot or blemish ; who have 
ever been the watchful guardians of the rights of the States, 
with scarcely an exception they have raised their voices in 
deep and solemn protest and remonstrance against the proprie- 
ty of separate State action. Have they lived through that 
period of life when ambition is most powerful, to be corrupted 
in their old age, by any promise of Federal honor or reward? 
Have they in their retirement yielded to the influence of 
gold, or belied their history, and become terrified by the 
sword ? We may answer for their countrymen in saying, 



8 

that they are beyond suspicion. Yet do they with one voice 
urge us to forbear, and save our honored State from tl^e peril 
which awaits her. 

In the heart of our city, still repose the honored remains of 
him who, living, was first in the affections of his countrynien, 
and now dead, is ever present in their memories. Who is 
he that fairly doubts the counsel that John C. Calhoun would 
give in this time of peril to his State ? He has, as his last 
legacy, bequeathed us that advice, by an adherence to which 
we will find the remedy we desire. In the combination of 
those States marked out by geographical lines, and assimila- 
ted with each other by homogeneous interests, will we secure 
the elements that give stability to government, by the pos- 
session of resources adequate to all its emergencies — this 
combination, of what Mr. Calhoun calls " organized bodies," 
having, in his own language, " the means of avoiding the 
confusion and anarcliy to which the parts would be subject 
without such organization." To this consummation we ad- 
dress our efforts, with the earnest conviction that it will not 
only be accomplished by our sister States, with a view to 
their own security and welfare, but is, moreover, the natural 
and necessary consequence of the present administration of 
the government. And this, when attained, as it surely must 
be, will be the last and greatest tribute to his distinguished 
statesmanship, in the realization of his opinion that the 
" concert," which he foresaw, was, as he predicted, " the 
one thmg needful." 

There is still another consideration which moves us, and 
to us it is of the gravest import. If the separate action of 
South-Carolina, involved the loss of the lives of the best of 
her sons — the impoverishment of her soil — the decay of that 
civilization which now reigns within her limits, we should be 
impressed with the immensity of the sacrifice. But these, 
we should hold hght in comparison with the possibility of this 
proud and time-honored Republic dissolving her connection 
with a Confederation of Republics, and forced to abandon her 
position of attempted independence, for the security and 
protection she would obtain as an appendage to some Euro- 
pean power. 



Wo liold, that no combination of circumstances can possi- 
bly exist, which would induce or jusiify South-Carolina ever 
again to occupy a position of colonial dependence. And ne- 
ver will we consent to place her in a position from which sucli 
a consequence could possibly result. We wear no chains — 
but least of all, those which our fathers cast from their limbs. 
We love our State, and doing so, we love the records of iier 
suffering, through years of cruel warfare, cheerfully borne, 
for that inestimable boon of civil and religious liberty, with 
which it was purchased. A century is fast rolling on, since 
the flag of the proudest power in Europe, was borne, trailing 
in the dust, by its army retreating from our shores ; and eve- 
ry foot-print of the invader was washed out with the blood of 
the best and biavest of her sons. Never, while God gives us 
the sense to understand our rights, and the arms to battle 
for them, shall that or any other flag again wave over this 
State as a subject province ; or those footsteps trample on 
graves, that mark the last resting place of those, who taught 
us how priceless was the liberty they obtained, and transmit- 
ted to us to preserve. 

We invite, then, fellow-citizens, your co-operation. If it is 
the duty of the patriot to render even his life to his country, 
when she demands it, one will not reluse to give to her the 
short time necessary to achieve success in the contest before 
us. One strong and united effort will save our State. Who 
will refuse his aid in a cause so dear to us — the sons of South- 
Carolina 1 Let no one falter, for he becomes recreant to the 
highest duty. Let us, one and all, press onward, and obtain 
success, and so doing, we will find our highest reward in 
handing down, undiminished, to our children, that liberty, 
which we received from our fathers. 

You are well aware that the Legislature at its last session, 
passed an act, providing for the call of a Convention of the 
people of South-Carolina. It cannot be asserted that the 
members of the State Legislature were elected in reference 
to their opinions as to that conduct which it would become 
our State to pursue. The election of Delegates to the Con- 
vention followed closely after the adjournment of the Le gis- 



10 

lature ; and the result plainly showed that the people were 
not prepared to act in the important matter to wiiich they 
had been hurriedly summoned. Then was presented the ex- 
traordinary spectacle of a people, ever sensitive to their rights, 
hesitating, while a small minority controlled the election. It 
is known to you, that it is supposed a majority of the Dele- 
gates so elected, are in favor of the Separate Action to the 
State. The Legislature has reserved to itself at its ensuing" 
session, the determination of the time at which this Conven- 
tion will assemble. If called together as is now proposed, 
before the elections in October, 1852, the novel exhibition 
will be made of a Convention assembled to express the will 
of the people, without a knowledge of what that will may be. 

The election for the Southern Congress now presents to 
you, and the people of the whole State, an opportunity for 
expressing in the plainest manner the opinion of the people 
in reference to the question of Secession. If the result of that 
election shows, as we believe it will, that a majority of the 
people of South-Carolina, oppose the Secession of the State, 
such a manifestation of the sentiment of the citizens of our 
Stale, must have the effect of arresting that action, which we 
regard as fraught with so much evil to the common interests 
of the South. If, however, from indifference or from the want 
of a proper appreciation of the importance of the approach- 
ing election, there shall be no strong exhibition of public 
opinion against the proposed measures, it will of course be 
claimed by our opponents that the voice of the State is in 
their favor. 

By your votes, then, you will be able to stay the hurried, 
onward course of events which we so much deplore. The 
Southern Rights Party of the slave-holding States soon will 
be rallied under the auspices of the temperate and firm con- 
duct you will exhibit ; and to our own State, will be restored 
the confidence so unhappily disturbed, by which her citizens 
will be protected in the enjoyment of all their rights ; and 
her sister States induced to co-operate with her, when pre- 
pared herself, she waits the earliest signal, that as a part of 



11 

a combined movement, will allow her to strike wilh honor 
and success. 

And, now, we recommend to )ou, as our candidates, en- 
tertaining our opinions, well known to 5'ou all, identified with 
us in all respects, bound to the State b}' ties which can never 
be sundered, at this time honored with the approbation of 
their countrymen, bj^ positions of high public trusts, and al- 
ways worthy of any and the highest confidence which can 
be reposed in their public servants, by a community of free- 
men, the names of the 

H.N. WILLIAM AIKEN, 

AND THE 

Hon. WILLIAM D. PORTER. 

Mr. Rose, then staled that he regretted to announce, that 
Mr. Aiken and Mr. Porter were absent, and could not re- 
spond as they would be pleased to do, to the compliment con- 
veyed in the nomination. That their friends were looking 
for their arrival, and he hoped that before the election, our 
candidates would both be here and in the midst of the party, 
whose exponents they had been made. Mr. Rose concluded 
by introducing to the meeting Col. C. C. Memminger, who 
was received with the most distinguished applause. 

Col. Memminger, commenced by stating that he would 
not consume the time of the meeting in the discussion of a 
matter peitaining to himself. It was known that an address 
delivered by himself, had been published and circulated 
by the Secession party. If that party counted upon him, 
they had mistaken their man. What he said in that ad- 
dress he repeated now, but in speaking of what South- 
Carolina should do in the last resort, he utterly repudi- 
ated that his idea of the last resort sliould be determined 
by the narrow views of those who supposed that such a 
struggle was to be settled in a few months or a year. But 
whatever construction others might put upon his expressions, 
he meant now to discuss what was right and proper, and this 
he preferred to consistency, if it led to error. 

Col. Memminger then proceeded to discuss the pledges of 
the State, shewing, conclusively, from the record, that her 
honor was not committed to separate action, but to co ope- 



12 

ration. IL;-, showed, moreover, from the journals of the 
House and Senate, tiiat the measures of preparation for de- 
fence had been pressed by the co-operationists, and opposed 
by the Secession leaders. That finally, of the Delegates 
elected by the Legislature to the Southern Congress, three of 
them were co-operationists. He then proceeded to discuss 
Secession as a remedy, or measure of resistance. He showed 
that, far from its resisting the Wilmot Proviso, it was sub- 
mission to the measure, not only for the past but also for the 
future. That if it lead to a separate nationality, it would 
then be a complete abandonment of all which had been ta- 
ken from us, and also of that which had not been taken; he 
showed that to resist the action of the State would be trea- 
son in us, and that according to the same principle, the citi- 
zens of Georgia and other Southern States could not come to 
our aid in case of war with the United States, without being 
guilt}^ of treason against their own State. But any attempt 
to sketch the masterly arguments of the speaker on this and 
other points, shewing the utter folly of separate Secession, 
would only end in injustice to him. The effect produced on 
the crowded assembly was manifested by frequent and rap- 
turous applause. 

After Col. Memminger closed, Col, 1. W. Hayne was loud- 
1}' called for, and, notwithstanding the lateness of the hour 
and the exceedingly unpleasant warmth of the room, com- 
manded the attention and frequent applause of the audience 
by a spirited and convincing argument, of considerable length. 

A. G. Magrathand B. C.Pressley, Esqrs., v^^ere then loudly 
called for, but in consequence of the lateness of the hour they 
declined to speak. 

On motion ofM. C. Mordecai, Esq., the address and nomi- 
nation were then unanimously adopted and confirmed. 

S. Y. Tupper, Esq., moved that the proceedings of the 
meeting be published in the daily papers of the day. Adopt- 
ed. 

On motion, the meeting, then adjourned. 

JAiVlES ROSE, President. 

C. Kanataux, W. Y. Paxton, Joh;; B. Gibbs, A. L. 
Taveau, C. W. Montgomery, C. Douglass, Jr., Secr'ys. 



13 

Sketch q/ Col. L W. Hayne's remarhs at thejoregoing Meet- 
ing. 

Col. Hayne, said that tlie gentlemen nominated reciuired 
no endorsement ; tliis was no ;jerso7?«/ contest. It involved 
considerations of much deeper moment. W^ere it personal 
only, he, for one could not appear in opposition to the wor- 
thy gentlemen presented as the nominees of the Secession- 
ists — they were his near personal friends. But he would 
fall he said, he was sure, in the esteem of those honorable 
gentlemen themselves, if he should in u crisis like die pre- 
sent, from regard to them, or for any man, shrink from the 
advocacy of that course of policy which, in his judgment, 
would best promote the interests and the honor of our State, 
and which was, as he conceived, essential to the salvation of 
the Southern cause. There were those of our opponents, 
who freely applied to such as differed from them, opprobri- 
ous epithets. For himself, he belonged to a political school 
with whom abuse was familiar. T\\q. 7?ew epithets of "time- 
server and submissionist," had no terrors for him 

As to the motives of the Secessionists he would say no- 
thing. Many he know were sincere. Among them were 
some of his most valued friends, but he believed their meas- 
ures mischievous and their policy ruinous, and thinking as he 
did. if he did not oppose them, he would indeed deserve the 
epithets of " time-server and submissionist," aye, and of 
"coward" too. At so late an hotu-, Mr. H. said, he would 
not attempt an extended argument. 

His views, however, great as was his interest in the ques- 
tion, had taken a narrow channel- lie had not found it ne- 
cessary to calculate the disastrous effects of Secession on our 
trade, upon our Rail Roads, on the value of stocks. He had 
not looked attentively ev?n upon its blighting influence on 
the general prosperity of the State; afTecting rather women 
and children, than fighting men. Still less had he consider- 
ed the calamities of an attempt at subjugation. He had him- 
self, he said, been accustomed " to augur misgovernment at 
a distance and to snuff tyranny in the tainted gale," and had 
seen so much in our condition to confirm his worst appre- 



14 

hensions, that he had looked perhaps too exclusively to the 
eventual efficacy of the proposed remedy. 

It was because he was so firmly persuaded that the slave- 
holding States could never be prosperous, could never be safe 
in permanent connexion, with the so-called, Free Si ates, that 
most of all he deplored this most unfortunate attempt at pre- 
mature Secession. Dr. Palmer, in his late letter of accep- 
tance, had said that he for twenty years had been a Disun- 
ionist. It might be asked why he had not struck a blow for 
his principles twenty years ago ? The Dr. would probably 
answer that he could not get others to join him, in numbers 
sufficient to make the blow effectual. Mr. H. said that such 
was his own answer now. An abortive effort to throw off 
tyranny, would serve only to rivet the chains of oppression. 

Mr. Hayne, said that the practical operation of Secession, 
had been admitted by its advocates, to be a matter of conjec- 
ture. He would present his. The present administration, 
he said, was essentially peaceful. Neither Mr. Fillmore or Mr . 
Webster, would, from habit or temperament, be led to adopt 
war-like measures, when wisdom and sound policy dictated 
otherwise. With the absolute sovereignty they assumed for 
the Federal Government, they would, Mr. H. thought, af- 
fect some of the magnanimity and generous forbearance 
which Sovereigns with crowns, find it sometimes their inter- 
est to exhibit. They would say, " we have the right to co- 
erce, but we will concede something to popular delusion. 
We confide in the returning reason and loyalty of the people 
of South-Carolina. Try your experiment, and so far as it is 
confined to yourselves, we will not interfere. We will with- 
draw the post-office, and if you oppose it will not force on 
you the Federal Court." Mr. H. said that, in his opinion, 
they would most probably vacate the forts, but if they did 
not, they would at least put it on us to make i\\ejirst assault, 
and if we attacked the forts, and were victorious, it would be 
an attack upon and a victory over the flag which would still 
be the flag of Georgia, Alabama and Mississippi, as well as 
of New-York and Massachusetts. He thought that the ef- 
fect of an assailing movement in producing sympathy in the 



15 

South, was greatly ovfrestimated. But Mr. H. said he 
thought the Government would pursue a wiser policy tlian 
to permit a conflict of arms at all. Messrs. Fillmore and 
Webster would say, " if you do not desire our protection we 
will withdraw it. We leave for the present the forts in your 
keeping." They would only insist that we should not be al- 
lowed to destroy the revenue of the other States, by smug- 
gling, as they would terjn it- (~)ur hari)ors would be declared 
no longer ports of entry, or some other measure adopted to in- 
tercept our trade. Even in tliis matter, Mr. H. thought that the 
law, once declared, would be left, in a great degree, to execute 
itself, and that for a time, the possibility of collision at sea 
would be avoided. Commerce is timid, he said, and it would 
be some time before the intentions of the Government would 
be fully tested, in the meanwhile we would have, partly of 
their own motion and partly through the manceuvres of the 
Administration, Conmiissioners from Virginia, North-Caroli- 
na, Georgia, Alabama, and now it seems of Mississippi, and 
indeed all the Southern States, protesting, persuading, entrea- 
ting and proffering mediation. Think you, asked ]Mr. II., that 
all this would be without its effect ? Can any one doubt that 
Secession would produce at least a temporary derangement 
of all business? With this derangement at its worst, trade 
crippled by the means we have sugg(>sted, and the heroic spirit 
let down by the unexpected character of the contest, think you 
that these protests, persuasions, and entreaties, will pass un- 
heeded? Many of the secessionists will say, " this is not the 
warfare we looked to ; this is not the co-operation which we 
were taught to believe would follow secession." The proffer- 
ed mediation would give birth to some new project of" com- 
promise," by which the South would l)e again deluded, and 
South-Carolina coaxed back into obedience, if not loyalty. 
Such. Mr. H. said, he verily believed, would be the result of 
premature secession. 

A change m tlie puhlic sentiment of the South was the only 
sure foundation on which to build. It had not yet advanced 
sufficiently to justify the movement proposed. This change 
of sentiment was in progress, Jiowever. Union or Disunion 



16 

had ceased in many of the States to be a matter merely of 
sentiment, and the question was already submitted to the 
test of reason. Tliis was itself a ;^reat advance. 

Mr. H. said that we should not disdain to learn from our 
ancestors who achieved the independence of the colonies. 
Let us read their history, and study their policy, instead of 
vaguely declaiming upon their sacrifices, and all will yet be 
well. 

The great quesMon of the future policy of the State, he 
said, would probably be decided by the approaching election. 
With a clear majority of the people, as shown by the ballot 
box, opposed to secession, the advocates of that measure 
could not but yield, and South-Carolina would once more 
present an undivided front in its advocacy of the cause of the 
South. 



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